The juxtaposition of the world-system/world system perspectives and its variants

 The juxtaposition of the world-system/world system perspectives and its variants

V. Reflecting back on the perspective and variants 

This unit is utilized to summarize the juxtaposition of the world-system/world system

perspectives and its variants on the one hand and the ‘Nepal texts’ on the other. It is intended as

an exercise in linkaging the theoretical and the empirical and in cultivating a habit of theoretical

thinking. It is expected that the colloquium will be summarized, documented, shared, and utilized

as a learning device during subsequent semesters in Kirtipur and other campuses.

### V. Reflecting Back on the World-System Perspective and Variants in Relation to the Nepal Context

This final unit seeks to juxtapose the **world-system theory** with the specific socio-economic realities of Nepal, as examined in the previous texts. By linking theoretical insights from **Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system perspective** and its critiques to empirical evidence from Nepal’s development trajectory, students are encouraged to reflect on how global systems of inequality manifest in local contexts like Nepal. The ultimate goal of this reflection is to cultivate a deeper understanding of **theoretical thinking** and apply it to empirical data.

#### 1. **World-System Theory and Its Key Concepts**

At the heart of Wallerstein's **world-system theory** is the idea that the modern world is organized into a global economic system characterized by unequal relations between a **core**, **semi-periphery**, and **periphery**. The core nations dominate the global economy, controlling **capital**, **technology**, and **high-skill labor**, while peripheral nations provide **cheap labor** and **raw materials**, often becoming dependent on the core for economic survival. Semi-peripheral nations act as intermediaries, experiencing both exploitation and some degree of upward mobility.

This framework emphasizes the role of **capitalism** in creating and perpetuating global inequalities, where countries in the periphery are continually exploited for their resources, labor, and markets. Wallerstein’s model, however, has been critiqued for being too **economically deterministic** and for minimizing the role of local actors, **state institutions**, and historical contingencies in shaping developmental outcomes.

#### 2. **Nepal as a Case Study of Peripheral Status**

The empirical case of Nepal, as discussed in the **Colloquium on Nepal**, provides a concrete example of a country situated in the **periphery** of the global capitalist system. Authors like **Piers Blaikie, John Cameron, and David Seddon** describe how Nepal’s peripheral status shapes its economic stagnation and dependence on foreign aid, mirroring many of the dynamics described by Wallerstein in his world-system theory. The **agrarian crisis**, **low productivity**, and **limited industrialization** position Nepal firmly as a peripheral nation, where external forces and global economic shifts exert a significant impact on local economic realities.

Nepal’s reliance on **remittances** and **foreign aid** further exemplifies its dependency, as global labor markets shape both internal migration patterns and economic development strategies. In this sense, the **unequal economic exchanges** described by world-system theory are vividly reflected in Nepal’s development trajectory.

#### 3. **Critiques and Variants of the World-System Theory**

The critiques of world-system theory, particularly those from scholars like **Theda Skocpol**, **Andre Gunder Frank**, and **Christopher Chase-Dunn**, offer important nuances that help explain Nepal’s unique development challenges. For instance, Skocpol’s critique of Wallerstein’s **overemphasis on economic factors** and **neglect of state institutions** is relevant to Nepal, where political instability, internal **class structures**, and **caste hierarchies** play significant roles in shaping developmental outcomes. Skocpol’s focus on **state autonomy** could help explain why Nepal, despite its peripheral status, has seen moments of political transformation and social movements that challenge external domination.

Similarly, **Andre Gunder Frank’s** argument for a **5,000-year world system** highlights the importance of long-term global trade networks, particularly in Asia, which may offer a broader historical context for understanding Nepal’s development. Nepal’s economic history, including its **trade relations with India** and its position as a mediator between **China and India**, might be better understood through Frank’s emphasis on **historical continuity** in global systems rather than the more rigid break proposed by Wallerstein in the 16th century.

Additionally, **Chase-Dunn’s** call for recognizing both **continuities and differences** in world-systems across time is particularly helpful for Nepal. Nepal’s internal development challenges are not solely the result of its integration into the modern capitalist world-system but also reflect long-standing **social, political, and geographical factors** that have shaped the country's position in the world economy over centuries.

#### 4. **Local Specificities: Insights from Chaitanya Mishra and Other Nepalese Scholars**

Chaitanya Mishra’s work adds a crucial **local perspective** to the world-system framework, emphasizing the internal social structures—such as **feudal land relations**, the **caste system**, and **elite dominance**—that perpetuate underdevelopment in Nepal. Mishra’s arguments are aligned with the **dependency theory** critique of world-system analysis, which focuses more on **internal class dynamics** within peripheral nations.

Mishra’s critique of **external dependency** through remittances and foreign aid resonates strongly with Wallerstein’s model but also underscores the **agency of local actors** in shaping Nepal’s development path. While global forces are undoubtedly influential, Nepalese elites, political leaders, and social movements have also played a role in the country’s development trajectory, sometimes exacerbating inequality and at other times challenging the status quo.

The work of **Ian Carlos Fitzpatrick** on the **cardamom economy** in a Limbu village and the policies governing **labor migration** further illustrate the **interplay between local and global forces**. Fitzpatrick’s ethnographic work shows how global markets affect local livelihoods and how local class structures are transformed by participation in global trade. This aligns with the world-system analysis but also highlights the **agency** of local actors in navigating these global dynamics.

#### 5. **The Theoretical and Empirical Linkages**

Linking the theoretical framework of world-systems theory to the empirical case of Nepal provides important insights into the nature of **global inequality**, **local development**, and the **role of peripheral nations** in the world economy. While world-systems theory offers a **macro-level explanation** of global inequality, the case of Nepal emphasizes the importance of **internal social structures**, **political institutions**, and **historical legacies** in shaping development.

For instance, world-system theory helps explain why Nepal, as a peripheral nation, struggles with economic stagnation and dependency on external aid. However, it is local factors—such as the **agrarian structure**, the **role of elites**, and the **political instability**—that complicate the picture and require a more nuanced understanding of development. 

Moreover, the **critiques** of world-systems theory, particularly those that emphasize the role of **state autonomy**, **internal class dynamics**, and **historical continuity**, offer valuable insights for understanding Nepal’s particular challenges. While global forces shape Nepal’s economy, the **agency of the Nepalese state**, its **elite classes**, and the broader **social structure** are also key factors in determining the country’s developmental trajectory.

#### 6. **Concluding Reflection**

The juxtaposition of **world-system theory** with the **Nepal texts** encourages a deeper engagement with both **theory and empirical data**, allowing students to develop a habit of **theoretical thinking**. By examining how global systems of inequality manifest in a specific national context, students are better equipped to understand the complexities of development in peripheral nations like Nepal.

The colloquium’s exploration of these themes underscores the value of integrating **macro-level global analysis** with **micro-level local studies**. This exercise not only broadens our understanding of **global capitalism** and **world systems** but also highlights the **importance of local specificities** in shaping national development outcomes. As this colloquium continues to be shared and utilized in future semesters, it serves as a vital tool for fostering critical thinking and analytical skills among students studying **development sociology** and **global inequality** in Nepal.

In conclusion, reflecting on both the **world-system perspective** and its variants, alongside the **Nepal texts**, helps students see the intersection between **theory** and **reality**, providing a framework to analyze contemporary society and development in Nepal within the larger global system.

Wallerstein’s world capitalist system: A theoretical and historical critique

Wallerstein’s world capitalist system: A theoretical and historical critique

III.Variants/Critiques 

A. Theda Skocpol. ‘Wallerstein’s world capitalist system: A theoretical and historical

critique’. American Journal of Sociology. Vol 82, No 5 (March 1977). Pp. 1075-89

B. ‘Debates’ on the scale and time-depth of capitalist world system

• Andre Gunder Frank. ‘Immanuel and me with-out hyphen.’ Journal of World Systems

Research. Vol. 6, No 2 (Summer/Fall 2000). Pp. 216-231.

• Barry Gills. ‘The continuity thesis on world development.’ In Sing C Chew and

Robert A. Denemark (eds.), The Development of Underdevelopment. Pp. 226-45

• Christopher Chase-Dunn. ‘World-systems: Similarities and differences.’ In Sing C

Chew and Robert A Denemark (eds.). The Development of Underdevelopment. Pp.

246-58

• Optional reading. Andre Gunder Frank. The Five Thousand Year World System.

Humboldt Journal of Social Relations. Vol. 18, No 2. Pp. 1-41

C. World-systems and dependency theories

• James Petras. ‘Dependency and world-system theory: A critiques and new directions.’

Latin American Perspectives. Vol 8, No 3⁄4. (Late Summer/Autumn). Pp. 148-155

The **variants and critiques** of the World-System Perspective reveal the richness of the theoretical debates surrounding Immanuel Wallerstein’s framework. These critiques offer alternative perspectives, point out limitations in Wallerstein’s theory, and expand on or challenge key assumptions about the nature and historical scope of the capitalist world-system. Below is a detailed examination of these critiques and alternative formulations:

### A. **Theda Skocpol: "Wallerstein’s World Capitalist System: A Theoretical and Historical Critique"**

- *American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 82, No. 5 (March 1977), Pp. 1075-89*

Theda Skocpol provides one of the most comprehensive early critiques of Wallerstein’s world-system theory, arguing that it overemphasizes the role of the global economy while underplaying the **autonomy of state actors** and **political institutions**. She is a key representative of **state-centered approaches** to understanding historical change, contrasting with Wallerstein’s **economic determinism**.

#### Key Critiques:

1. **State Autonomy**: Skocpol argues that Wallerstein’s theory treats states as mere agents of the world-system, subordinated to economic processes. She contends that states have greater autonomy and can shape their own policies in ways that challenge or circumvent the pressures of the world economy. For example, she points to **revolutions** and **social movements** that arise from domestic conditions, which Wallerstein’s model fails to fully account for.

  

2. **Historical Specificity**: Skocpol critiques Wallerstein for his reliance on **broad historical generalizations**. She argues that world-system analysis tends to flatten out differences between historical periods, reducing the complexity of social, political, and cultural factors to a simple core-periphery relationship. According to Skocpol, Wallerstein’s model is insufficiently sensitive to the **unique historical trajectories** of different states and societies.

3. **Underestimation of Political Institutions**: Wallerstein’s theory prioritizes economic factors (e.g., trade, production, and capital accumulation) while underestimating the **role of political institutions** and **state power** in shaping historical outcomes. Skocpol suggests that institutions like the military and bureaucracy have their own logic and can shape social change independently of economic factors.

### B. **Debates on the Scale and Time-Depth of the Capitalist World-System**

1. **Andre Gunder Frank: "Immanuel and Me Without Hyphen"**

   - *Journal of World Systems Research, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Summer/Fall 2000), Pp. 216-231*

   Andre Gunder Frank, a key figure in **dependency theory** and later a proponent of the **"5,000-year world system"** concept, challenges Wallerstein’s insistence that capitalism emerged in the 16th century. He argues that **global economic systems** existed long before the modern world-system.

   #### Key Points:

   - **Continuity of World Systems**: Frank contends that the world-system should not be seen as a novel development of the 16th century but rather as the continuation of a much older pattern of global economic interaction dating back millennia. He emphasizes **trade networks** in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, which had significant global influence long before European dominance.

   - **De-centering Europe**: Frank critiques Wallerstein’s Eurocentrism, suggesting that Europe’s rise to prominence was more the result of **Asian decline** than European innovation. According to Frank, regions like China, India, and the Middle East had highly developed economies that played a crucial role in the global system long before European expansion.

2. **Barry Gills: "The Continuity Thesis on World Development"**

   - *In Chew and Denemark (eds.), The Development of Underdevelopment, Pp. 226-245*

   Barry Gills, like Frank, argues for a **continuity thesis**, suggesting that global economic systems have existed for far longer than Wallerstein acknowledges. Gills highlights the **long history of interconnected trade systems**, particularly in Asia, as evidence that world systems have been present for thousands of years.

   #### Key Points:

   - **Non-European Centric Histories**: Gills emphasizes the importance of looking at **non-European** centers of power, such as China, India, and the Middle East, as primary drivers of early world systems. He suggests that Europe’s rise was a relatively **late development** in the history of global economies.

3. **Christopher Chase-Dunn: "World-Systems: Similarities and Differences"**

   - *In Chew and Denemark (eds.), The Development of Underdevelopment, Pp. 246-258*

   Chase-Dunn critiques both Wallerstein and Frank by exploring **similarities and differences** between different world-systems across time. He argues for a more nuanced understanding of world-systems, recognizing both **continuities and changes** over long periods.

   #### Key Points:

   - **Structural Continuity and Transformation**: Chase-Dunn recognizes the existence of earlier world-systems but also highlights that **capitalism** introduced novel features, such as the unique way it organizes labor and capital globally. He maintains that Wallerstein’s focus on the **16th century** is important because capitalism represents a **qualitatively different world-system**.

   - **Hybrid Models**: Chase-Dunn suggests that scholars should look for **hybrid models** that combine insights from both Wallerstein and Frank. While earlier global systems did exist, capitalism has distinct dynamics that are worth emphasizing, such as **cyclical crises**, **global polarization**, and the persistence of core-periphery relations.

4. **Andre Gunder Frank: "The Five Thousand Year World System"** (Optional)

   - *Humboldt Journal of Social Relations, Vol. 18, No. 2, Pp. 1-41*

   Frank elaborates on his thesis that world systems have existed for over 5,000 years, emphasizing the central role of **Asia** in global economic history. This work de-centers Europe entirely and challenges Wallerstein’s view that the **modern capitalist system** is a distinct historical phenomenon.

   #### Key Points:

   - **Long-Term Historical Patterns**: Frank argues that modern capitalism is not a new or distinct system but a **continuation of long-term global economic patterns** that date back thousands of years. He draws attention to the **Asian-centered trade networks** that existed well before Europe’s rise.

   - **Asia as the Core**: Frank suggests that **Asia**, not Europe, was the dominant core of the global economy for much of history, with Europe only becoming significant after 1500.

### C. **World-Systems and Dependency Theories**

1. **James Petras: "Dependency and World-System Theory: A Critique and New Directions"**

   - *Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 8, No. 3/4 (Late Summer/Autumn), Pp. 148-155*

   James Petras compares **dependency theory** with **world-systems theory** and offers a critique of both, while also suggesting new directions for understanding global inequality. Dependency theory, developed by thinkers like Andre Gunder Frank and Fernando Henrique Cardoso, focuses on the **unequal relationship** between developed and developing countries, where the latter are structurally dependent on the former.

   #### Key Points:

   - **Core-Periphery Model**: Like world-systems theory, dependency theory uses the **core-periphery** framework to understand global inequality. However, Petras criticizes both theories for being too **deterministic** and for underestimating the capacity of **local agency** and **resistance** in the periphery. He argues that peripheral nations are not entirely powerless in the face of global capitalism.

   - **State and Class Relations**: Petras also critiques Wallerstein for downplaying the role of **domestic class relations** within peripheral countries. He argues that dependency theory, by focusing more on internal dynamics, offers a better explanation for why some nations succeed in breaking free from dependency, while others remain trapped.

   - **New Directions**: Petras suggests that future research should focus on **local forms of resistance**, state-led development projects, and the **emergence of new powers** from the global South (e.g., China, India) that challenge the traditional core-periphery relationship.

### Conclusion

The variants and critiques of Wallerstein’s world-systems theory demonstrate the **diverse range of scholarly perspectives** on global capitalism and its historical development. Skocpol’s critique highlights the need to account for **state autonomy** and political institutions, while Frank and Gills emphasize the **long-term continuity** of global economic systems and challenge the **Eurocentrism** in Wallerstein’s work. Chase-Dunn offers a more nuanced view, balancing both continuity and change in the history of world-systems, and Petras bridges the gap between **dependency theory** and world-systems analysis by calling for greater attention to **local agency** and **internal dynamics**.

Together, these critiques deepen our understanding of global inequality, the role of states, and the historical development of capitalism, encouraging students to think critically about the **world-system** and its future trajectory.

Objectives: The World-System Perspective

 Objectives: The World-System Perspective

The objectives of The World-System Perspective course are the following:

A. Learn to think in large scale and long run and to think successively beyond the apparent and

under the surface

B. Learn the scale and depth of world/global-scale social change that has been taking place for

at least last 500 years which, according to accepted wisdom, is when capitalism started to

evolve.

C. Learn what the evolution of capitalism has implied for the world and for the different

regions, states and peoples in the core and the periphery.

D. Learn about the variant formulations and critiques of the world system, some of which

undercut the very notion of capitalism and the notion that capitalism originated in Europe.

E. Learn how the world-system perspective can be utilized to comprehend contemporary society

and life in Nepal.

The objectives outlined in your course provide a structured roadmap for understanding the World-System Perspective, its historical context, and its implications for both global and local societies. Here’s an analysis of each objective and how it integrates with the World-System Perspective.

### A. Learn to Think in Large Scale and Long Run, and to Think Successively Beyond the Apparent and Under the Surface

One of the core goals of the World-System Perspective is to **shift the scale of sociological thinking**. Instead of focusing on short-term, localized issues, the framework encourages looking at broader, long-term historical processes that shape global societies. This approach is particularly useful for understanding capitalism, which is seen not just as an economic system but as a **historical process** that has evolved over centuries.

- **Large-scale thinking** means understanding that no society or economy operates in isolation; rather, they are part of a global network of interdependent nations and regions.

  

- **Long-run thinking** implies recognizing that many of the issues faced by contemporary societies, such as inequality or underdevelopment, are products of centuries-long processes rooted in the global expansion of capitalism.

- **Beyond the apparent** refers to understanding that visible social, economic, and political phenomena are often shaped by underlying structures, such as the global division of labor between core and peripheral nations. For instance, the wealth of developed nations is intricately linked to the historical exploitation of labor and resources from less developed regions, which may not be immediately apparent.

This objective sets the foundation for a **historical, global, and structural mode of analysis**, which is essential for comprehending the deep-rooted causes of inequality and social change.

### B. Learn the Scale and Depth of World/Global-Scale Social Change Over the Last 500 Years

According to the World-System Perspective, the last 500 years, beginning around the 16th century, mark the **formation and expansion of the capitalist world-economy**. During this period, European powers began to establish colonial empires, laying the groundwork for modern capitalism. This system brought about profound social changes, such as:

- The development of **global trade networks**, which linked Europe to Africa, Asia, and the Americas.

- The establishment of a **global division of labor**, where different regions of the world specialized in particular forms of production—core regions focused on industrial production, while peripheral regions provided raw materials and cheap labor.

- The rise of **colonialism and imperialism**, which were instrumental in transferring wealth from the periphery to the core.

This objective encourages you to study the social, economic, and political changes that have occurred on a global scale over the past half-millennium, highlighting the **interconnectedness of global history**. It also involves understanding how capitalism has continually reshaped societies, leading to new forms of inequality, labor exploitation, and wealth concentration.

### C. Learn What the Evolution of Capitalism Has Implied for the World and for Different Regions, States, and Peoples in the Core and the Periphery

The **core-periphery** dynamic is central to the World-System Perspective. The evolution of capitalism has had vastly different implications for the core (wealthier, developed nations) and the periphery (poorer, underdeveloped regions).

- In the **core**, capitalism has brought wealth, industrialization, and technological advances. These nations have benefited from their ability to extract resources and labor from the periphery, allowing them to amass capital and build strong economies.

  

- In contrast, the **periphery** has suffered from the exploitative nature of the global capitalist system. Peripheral countries often specialize in low-value goods, such as raw materials or cheap labor, which leaves them vulnerable to economic crises and dependent on the core for investment, technology, and markets.

The semi-periphery, an intermediate category, serves as a **buffer zone**, where countries experience both exploitation and development. Over time, some semi-peripheral nations may move closer to the core, while others may fall back into peripheral status.

This objective requires an understanding of how **global capitalism reproduces inequality** across regions and peoples, and how the core-periphery dynamic is perpetuated through trade, finance, and political influence. For example, many developing countries remain stuck in a cycle of debt, relying on core countries and international institutions like the IMF and World Bank, which often impose conditions that perpetuate dependency.

### D. Learn About the Variant Formulations and Critiques of the World-System

The World-System Perspective has been influential but is not without its critiques and alternative interpretations. This objective encourages you to engage with **different perspectives** on global capitalism, some of which challenge the very premises of Wallerstein's theory.

- Some scholars argue that **capitalism did not originate in Europe**. Instead, they point to non-European regions like China and India as having developed advanced trade and economic systems long before Europe’s rise. This view challenges the Eurocentrism that is sometimes implicit in the World-System Perspective.

  

- **Postcolonial and decolonial scholars** critique the idea that capitalism is a monolithic, all-encompassing system, arguing instead for a more nuanced understanding of local economies and social relations. They emphasize that there are diverse forms of economic organization that resist or exist outside the logic of capitalism.

- Other critiques focus on the **agency of peripheral and semi-peripheral nations**, arguing that Wallerstein’s framework downplays the capacity of these regions to resist or transform the world-system. For instance, anti-colonial movements, labor strikes, and alternative economic practices offer examples of how marginalized groups challenge global capitalism.

This objective asks you to explore **alternative formulations** that may either complement or contest the World-System Perspective. It also emphasizes the importance of understanding multiple viewpoints to develop a more nuanced understanding of global capitalism.

### E. Learn How the World-System Perspective Can Be Utilized to Comprehend Contemporary Society and Life in Nepal

Applying the World-System Perspective to Nepal requires recognizing the country’s position within the **global capitalist system**. Nepal, as part of the global periphery, faces many of the challenges identified by the World-System Perspective, such as:

- **Economic dependency**: Nepal relies heavily on remittances from migrant workers abroad, who often work in core or semi-peripheral nations like the Gulf States, India, or Malaysia. This creates a situation where Nepal's economy is dependent on the global labor market.

  

- **Underdevelopment**: Nepal’s economy is primarily agricultural, with limited industrialization, making it vulnerable to global market fluctuations and reliant on external aid and investment from core countries or international organizations.

- **Global inequalities**: Nepal faces challenges in achieving sustainable development due to the legacy of colonialism, international trade imbalances, and the influence of multinational corporations and foreign aid agencies, which often prioritize their own interests over those of local populations.

Understanding Nepal through the lens of the World-System Perspective allows you to see how global capitalism shapes the country’s economic policies, social inequalities, and development prospects. It also provides a framework for analyzing the potential for change—whether through local development initiatives, participation in global markets, or resistance to global economic forces.

This objective emphasizes the **practical application** of the World-System Perspective to contemporary social issues in Nepal, encouraging you to critically engage with how global capitalism influences daily life, economic policies, and long-term development in your own context.

### Conclusion

The objectives of your course outline a comprehensive journey through the **historical development of capitalism** and its global ramifications. By thinking in large-scale and long-term processes, you will learn to go beyond surface-level phenomena to uncover the deeper structures of global inequality. Studying the evolution of capitalism and its impact on core and peripheral regions will help you understand the unequal global distribution of wealth and power, while engaging with critiques of the World-System Perspective will enable you to develop a well-rounded understanding of global capitalism. Finally, applying this framework to contemporary Nepal will allow you to explore the real-world implications of these theoretical insights.

In sum, these objectives aim to cultivate a **critical, historical, and global perspective** that will not only help you excel in your studies but also deepen your understanding of the world around you.

The World-System Perspective

 The World-System Perspective

The World-System Perspective, developed by sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein in the 1970s, is a comprehensive and influential framework within sociology that seeks to understand the historical development of capitalism and its global dynamics. This approach situates societies within the broader context of a global economic system rather than examining them as isolated entities. In doing so, it offers a holistic understanding of the relationships between nations, regions, and social structures, focusing on inequalities, dependencies, and the power dynamics that characterize the world economy. 

### Historical Context and Theoretical Foundations

To grasp the World-System Perspective, it is essential to consider its intellectual roots. Wallerstein's work was influenced by various theoretical traditions, including **Marxism**, **dependency theory**, and **world history**. He sought to address what he perceived as the limitations of traditional sociological approaches, particularly those that focused solely on national development or modernization.

Wallerstein's primary critique of modernization theory was its assumption that societies evolve through similar stages of development, from "traditional" to "modern." Modernization theory generally assumed that underdeveloped countries could follow the same path as developed nations if they adopted Western values, technologies, and institutions. Wallerstein, however, argued that such a view ignored the global inequalities and exploitative relationships that shape the modern world. In his view, no society develops in isolation; rather, they exist within a world-economic system that emerged in the 16th century with the expansion of European colonialism and capitalism.

### Key Concepts of the World-System Perspective

The World-System Perspective introduces several key concepts to explain the functioning of the global economy and its impact on different regions:

#### 1. **Core, Semi-Periphery, and Periphery**

Wallerstein's world-system is divided into three main categories of nations or regions: the core, the semi-periphery, and the periphery. These categories represent different roles in the global economy, shaped by their relationships to production, capital, and labor exploitation.

- **Core Countries**: These nations dominate the world economy and control most of the capital, technology, and resources. They tend to have strong, diversified economies with advanced industrial sectors. Core countries also dominate global political and economic institutions. Historically, Western European nations, and later the United States, have occupied the core. Core countries benefit from their ability to exploit labor and resources from peripheral countries.

- **Periphery Countries**: These nations are often former colonies or underdeveloped regions that provide raw materials, agricultural products, and cheap labor to the core. The economies of peripheral countries tend to be less diversified, often relying on a few primary exports. Peripheral nations are subjected to exploitation by the core, leading to poverty, dependency, and underdevelopment. Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and parts of Asia are frequently cited as peripheral regions.

- **Semi-Periphery Countries**: These nations occupy an intermediate position between the core and periphery. They have characteristics of both core and peripheral regions, often undergoing industrialization and economic growth but still dependent on stronger core nations. Semi-peripheral countries can sometimes shift into core status or slip back into the periphery depending on economic and political changes. Examples of semi-peripheral countries include Brazil, India, and South Korea.

This hierarchical structure allows Wallerstein to explain how the global division of labor and unequal exchange relationships sustain inequality across the world.

#### 2. **The Capitalist World-Economy**

The World-System Perspective is grounded in the idea of a **capitalist world-economy** that has existed since the 16th century. According to Wallerstein, this global economy is characterized by the pursuit of profit and the constant expansion of capital. Unlike previous world-empires (such as the Roman or Chinese empires) that were based on territorial conquest and tribute, the capitalist world-economy is based on market relationships, where goods, services, and labor are exchanged for profit.

Within this system, wealth is accumulated by those in the core, while poverty is reproduced in the periphery. Capitalism, according to Wallerstein, is a fundamentally unequal system, as it depends on the exploitation of labor, especially in peripheral regions where wages are kept low and working conditions are poor. This global division of labor ensures that core nations remain dominant and that the benefits of economic growth are disproportionately concentrated in wealthy countries.

#### 3. **Hegemony and Cycles of Change**

Another important concept in the World-System Perspective is **hegemony**, or the dominance of one core nation (or group of nations) over others within the system. Hegemony in the world-system is not just military or political dominance but includes economic, cultural, and ideological leadership. Throughout history, different nations have held hegemonic positions, shaping global trade, politics, and culture.

Wallerstein identified several periods of hegemony in the world-system. For instance, during the 16th century, **Spain** was a dominant power, largely through its colonial conquests and resource extraction in the Americas. In the 19th century, **Britain** became the hegemonic power through its industrial revolution, colonial empire, and global trade networks. In the 20th century, the **United States** assumed the position of global hegemon, particularly after World War II, when it emerged as a leader in international institutions like the United Nations, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund.

However, hegemony is not permanent. Wallerstein argued that the world-system operates in **cycles**, with periods of economic expansion followed by stagnation or crisis. During times of crisis, hegemons may decline, and new powers may emerge. For instance, the economic and political rise of China in recent decades has been viewed as a potential challenge to U.S. dominance in the world-system.

#### 4. **The Longue Durée and Historical Change**

A distinctive feature of the World-System Perspective is its focus on the **longue durée**, or the long-term historical processes that shape the world. Rather than focusing on short-term events or individual actions, Wallerstein was concerned with understanding how the capitalist world-system has developed over centuries.

In this framework, historical change is not random but shaped by the structural dynamics of the world-system. For example, technological innovations, shifts in global trade patterns, and changes in political institutions are all understood in relation to the broader processes of capitalism and global inequality. Wars, revolutions, and crises are not seen as isolated events but as part of the ongoing restructuring of the world-system.

### Criticisms of the World-System Perspective

While Wallerstein’s World-System Perspective has been highly influential, it has also faced several criticisms:

1. **Eurocentrism**: Critics argue that the World-System Perspective places too much emphasis on the experiences of Europe and North America, particularly in its historical analysis of capitalism's development. Some have suggested that it underplays the role of non-Western societies and cultures in shaping the world economy.

2. **Economic Determinism**: Another critique is that the World-System Perspective places too much emphasis on economic factors, neglecting the role of political, social, and cultural processes in shaping global relations. Wallerstein’s focus on the capitalist economy has been criticized for downplaying the importance of state power, political institutions, and ideological factors in global change.

3. **Agency**: Some scholars argue that the World-System Perspective does not adequately account for human agency, especially the ability of individuals or groups to resist or challenge the structures of the world-system. For instance, social movements, labor unions, and indigenous struggles often confront global capitalism, but Wallerstein's framework may not fully capture their significance.

4. **Oversimplification**: Wallerstein’s division of the world into core, semi-periphery, and periphery has been seen by some as overly simplistic. In reality, the global economy is more complex, and there are varying degrees of development and interaction that do not fit neatly into these categories.

### Conclusion

The World-System Perspective offers a powerful analytical tool for understanding the global inequalities that define modern capitalism. By focusing on the historical development of the capitalist world-economy and the hierarchical relationships between core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral countries, it challenges traditional notions of development and modernization. Wallerstein’s framework underscores the importance of seeing societies not in isolation but as part of a larger, interconnected global system shaped by inequality, exploitation, and power dynamics.

While the World-System Perspective has its critics, it remains a central theory in sociology and international studies, providing insights into the persistence of global inequality and the structural forces that shape the modern world. As globalization continues to deepen, the relevance of Wallerstein's ideas is likely to endure, prompting further debate and reflection on the dynamics of the world-system.

What is the structure of the caste system mentioned in 1854 A.D/ 1910 B.S. Muluki Ain of Nepal?

 Q. What is the structure of the caste system mentioned in 1854 A.D/ 1910 B.S. Muluki Ain of Nepal? 

The Muluki Ain was a legal code introduced during Jung Bahadur Rana's reign in Nepal. It laid down various provisions related to social hierarchy, including the caste system.

The caste system mentioned in the 1854 Muluki Ain divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. The system was discriminatory and entrenched in social inequality, with individuals being restricted to certain professions and denied access to education and other opportunities based on their caste.

It is important to note that the Muluki Ain was eventually replaced by the new Civil Code in Nepal in 2017, which removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

The caste system in Nepal is a hierarchical system of social stratification that has existed in Nepali society for centuries. The 1854 Muluki Ain was a legal code that further entrenched and codified the caste system in Nepal.

The Muluki Ain divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The caste system in Nepal was highly discriminatory and entrenched in social inequality. Individuals were restricted to certain professions and denied access to education and other opportunities based on their caste. For example, members of the lower castes were often denied education, and their employment opportunities were limited to menial jobs such as cleaning and farming. In contrast, members of the higher castes were able to access education and had access to a wider range of employment opportunities.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. Inter-caste marriages were discouraged, and inheritance and property rights were determined by an individual's caste. These provisions further entrenched the caste system and ensured that individuals remained trapped within their caste for generations.

Despite efforts to abolish the caste system in Nepal, it still persists in many parts of the country, and discrimination based on caste is still prevalent. However, progress has been made in recent years to promote equality and eliminate discrimination based on caste. The new Civil Code in Nepal, which replaced the Muluki Ain in 2017, removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

In conclusion, the caste system in Nepal mentioned in the 1854 Muluki Ain was a discriminatory system of social stratification that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste. Despite efforts to abolish the caste system, discrimination based on caste still persists in many parts of Nepal. However, progress has been made in recent years, and the new Civil Code in Nepal ensures equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their caste.

Q. Discuss the caste hierarchy of Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854. 

The caste system in Nepal, as codified in the Muluki Ain of 1854, was a hierarchical system of social stratification that divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The Brahmins were at the top of the caste hierarchy and were considered the purest and most learned of all castes. They were responsible for religious rituals, such as conducting pujas and performing other religious ceremonies. The Kshatriyas were the second-highest caste and were traditionally warriors and rulers. They were responsible for defending the country and maintaining law and order.

The Vaishyas were the third-highest caste and were traditionally traders and merchants. They were responsible for economic activities and commerce. The Shudras were at the bottom of the caste hierarchy and were traditionally laborers and servants. They were responsible for menial jobs such as farming, cleaning, and other low-skilled work.

Within each caste, there were sub-castes, which further divided society based on specific occupations or professions. For example, within the Brahmin caste, there were sub-castes such as the Bahun, Chhetri, and Thakuri. Similarly, within the Shudra caste, there were sub-castes such as the Kami, Damai, and Sarki.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. Inter-caste marriages were discouraged, and inheritance and property rights were determined by an individual's caste. These provisions further entrenched the caste system and ensured that individuals remained trapped within their caste for generations.

The caste hierarchy in Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854 was a discriminatory system that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste. Despite efforts to abolish the caste system in Nepal, discrimination based on caste still persists in many parts of the country. However, progress has been made in recent years to promote equality and eliminate discrimination based on caste. The new Civil Code in Nepal, which replaced the Muluki Ain in 2017, removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

Q. Marry Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. What led Cameron to make an argument?

Marry Cameron is a scholar who has conducted extensive research on caste-based discrimination and social exclusion in Nepal. In her research, she argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas.

Cameron's argument is based on the observation that much of the Dalit identity politics in Nepal is focused on urban areas, where there is greater awareness of Dalit issues and where Dalits have access to Dalitscation and other opportunities. However, in rural areas, where the majority of Nepal's Dalits live, caste-based discrimination is often more severe and more entrenched.

Cameron contends that the Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits, such as the lack of access to education and employment opportunities, and the persistence of traditional caste-based practices and beliefs. She argues that the focus on urban areas has led to a neglect of the needs and experiences of rural Dalits.

Furthermore, Cameron argues that there is a need for a more nuanced approach to Dalit identity politics that takes into account the diversity of experiences and challenges faced by Dalits across different regions of Nepal. She suggests that a more inclusive approach to Dalit politics, which includes the voices and perspectives of rural Dalits, is necessary to address the systemic discrimination and social exclusion faced by Dalits in Nepal.

In conclusion, Mary Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. She suggests that a more inclusive approach that takes into account the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits is necessary to address the systemic discrimination and social exclusion faced by Dalits in Nepal.

Summary:

1. What is the caste system in Nepal? 

   - The caste system in Nepal is a hierarchical system of social stratification that divides Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.

   - Within each caste, there are sub-castes that further divide society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The caste system is based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

2. What is the Muluki Ain of 1854 in Nepal? 

    

    - The Muluki Ain was introduced in Nepal in 1854.

   - The Muluki Ain was a legal code that laid down various provisions related to caste and social hierarchy in Nepal.

   - It divided Nepali society into four main castes, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

   - Within each caste, there were sub-castes that further divided society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status.

3. Discuss the caste hierarchy of Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854. - The Muluki Ain was introduced in Nepal in 1854.

   - The caste hierarchy in Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854 was a discriminatory system that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste.

   - The system divided Nepali society into four main castes, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

   - Within each caste, there were sub-castes that further divided society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The Muluki Ain laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status.

4. Mary Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. What led Cameron to make this argument? -

   - Mary Cameron is a scholar who has conducted extensive research on caste-based discrimination and social exclusion in Nepal.

   - She argues that much of the Dalit identity politics in Nepal is focused on urban areas, where there is greater awareness of Dalit issues and where Dalits have access to education and other opportunities.

   - In rural areas, where the majority of Nepal's Dalits live, caste-based discrimination is often more severe and more entrenched.

   - Cameron contends that the Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits, such as the lack of access to education and employment opportunities, and the persistence of traditional caste-based practices and beliefs.

Rules to keep the digestive system clean and strong

After eating any food, the process of digestion starts from the mouth. The digestive system breaks down food into smaller pieces such as glucose, amino acids, and fatty acids. These nutrients then travel through our bloodstream to different parts of the body.

Half-digested food reaches our small intestine. The food is then sent to the large intestine. The body absorbs the useful nutrients contained in it. The rest of the food is excreted from the body as a disorder. The digestive system is working so well.

Probiotics are essential for the digestive system

Our body's immune system is very strong. There are more than 500 good bacteria in the stomach. These are the same bacteria that fight against the bad bacteria that grow in the body. Their job is to digest the food we eat and that is why our immune system is strong.

When bad bacteria start to grow in our digestive system, we feel like vomiting. It can also cause abdominal pain and diarrhea. The growth of bad bacteria can sometimes have the effect of a cleansing effect or an antibiotic. This activates the bad bacteria and starts destroying the outer layer of the intestine. That is why we sometimes get serious stomach ailments.

When food is not well digested

When our digestive system becomes weak, we start suffering from many diseases. If we do not digest what we eat properly, our body will also get inadequate nutrition. It loses the body's immune system.

People who suffer from gastric, constipation, or diarrhea are more likely to suffer from poor digestion.

The digestive system breaks down food into smaller pieces, such as glucose, amino acids, and fatty acids. These nutrients are then absorbed into your bloodstream and reach different parts of the body.

The process of digestion begins in the mouth, where your teeth grind the food, and the enzymes in the yolk begin to break it down. Then the half-digested food reaches our small intestine.

The food is then sent to the large intestine. And, its useful substances are absorbed by the body. The rest of the food is expelled from the large intestine to be discarded. It is our responsibility to keep such a complex digestive system healthy. So how

Eat properly

Let's always eat on time. Its timing should not be varied. Food should be eaten slowly. It should be swallowed only by chewing as much as possible. If you often suffer from stomach upset or indigestion, you should postpone your mealtime. Food should be eaten 3 to 4 hours before going to bed.

Fiber-rich foods

Fiber is very useful for your digestive system. Soluble fiber absorbs water and your excretion is perfect, which is easily excreted through your intestines. The low fiber in the diet can lead to many digestive disorders, such as constipation, irritable bowel syndrome, diverticulitis, and colon cancer.

Plenty of water

Women need to drink 2.1 liters of fluid and men need to drink 2.6 liters of water every day. If you are sweating due to hot weather or physical exertion, you should drink more.

Intake of Pro Biotics

Probiotics are bacteria that help keep the digestive system healthy. It can also be very helpful in conditions such as diarrhea and irritable bowel syndrome. These bacteria increase the acidity of the intestines and help prevent the growth of harmful bacteria. As yogurt contains probiotics, it will be beneficial to consume it.

Consumption of sour fruits

When you think about improving your digestion, you will not have any unpleasant results. However, lemon juice has traditionally been used for digestion. Both the smell and taste of lemon will help to produce more and more. Like lemons, oranges can be helpful in the digestive system.

Use of herbs and spices

Herbs and spices not only enhance the taste of food but also help your digestion. Both its taste and smell help to create the gastric and urinary tract. For example, coriander, ginger, cumin, chili, chili, and turmeric can increase your bile acid and help digest carbohydrates and fats.

Let's quit smoking

Smoking weakens the muscles below your esophagus. This causes many problems to stop the process of acid formation in the stomach. Similarly, drinking a small amount of alcohol or sitting at the border does not harm your body. However, drinking too much alcohol can increase the production of stomach acid. And, it can invite other digestive problems.

Avoiding fatty foods

It takes a long time to digest high-fat foods, which leads to increased stomach load, and it is advisable to eat low-fat foods such as fish and lean meats instead of high-fat foods.

Let's use the kitchen as a hospital and the food as medicine

Covid 19 weakens the human body's ability to fight disease. Covid-19 not only weakens the immune system but also promotes global food insecurity. Food experts say. "Unhealthy eating has led to an increase in malnutrition and an increase in the number of food-related illnesses," he said. The need to invest has increased.

The famous Greek physician Hippocrates described the food as follows: "Let food be your medicine and medicine be your food." Are paying attention to what is beneficial for.

Research has confirmed which countries were most affected by the Kovid-19 epidemic and their eating habits also affected the spread of the disease, sparking further debate about food. Even farmers can produce easily. With this in mind, we need to focus on crop production and marketing and reset our food system. Adequate attention needs to be paid to these two things, food and nutrition.

Science has confirmed that more nutritious and quality food has medicinal properties that help protect human health from disease. The Kovid-19 epidemic is causing our food system to fail. We need to work in different ways to strengthen the failed food system. We must now reconsider farming and launch a campaign to plant nutritious crops. The first step is to introduce such foods and establish them in the minds of everyone.

This is even more relevant in the case of Nepal. A food-dependent country like ours should be able to manage a vibrant food system in its own country that will improve the health of the people, help increase disease resistance and prevent the country from falling prey to food dependence. This is a great opportunity for Covid-19 to create this kind of strategy. In our country, there are ample possibilities to produce healthy food with medicinal properties quickly and cheaply. Due to our eating habits, these crops were being overshadowed and their production was declining. The state did not pay attention to research and development and we became more and more dependent on food.

It is important to cultivate the food crops that can be produced following the geographical environment of Nepal by identifying them well. Uva, Barley, Kodo, Fapar, Chino Caguno, Junello are the crops that are highly nutritious and have health benefits. These crops are ideal for small and medium-scale farmers.

There is a close relationship between our bodies and food. We need to pay more attention to this and work together to formulate effective policies to address the issue of food. Policies to promote multi-sectoral coordination among agriculture, health, and food stakeholders to promote healthy food. The mindset of the builders needs to change. We know that good food is the key to a long and healthy life. Multinational organizations such as the European Union and the World Health Organization must work to make good food a social responsibility.

According to the United Nations, about 6 million people, or eight percent of the world's population, were malnourished in 2019. If this trend continues, this number may increase to more than eight million in the coming years. Guterres, chief executive of the World Health Organization, said. Countries must develop programs that standardize food and nutrition services, implement conservation programs for those working in the sector, prioritize food supply chains, and strengthen the social security of young children, pregnant and breastfeeding women, the elderly, and other at-risk groups. He has advocated for the transformation of the food system for a more inclusive and sustainable world.

The kitchen is like a home hospital. Food prepared in the kitchen determines our health. We need to promote good food. What we are eating now is hurting us.

safe banking system

How to keep the banking system safe?

 The security of the banking and financial system has been debated from time to time. But the truth is that there is still a tendency to be sensitive to security only when big banking frauds occur and to ignore small incidents.

More cyber attacks or attempts are being made in the financial sector. But such incidents are rarely public. Banks do not disclose such incidents on the grounds that their reputation, prestige and distrust in the service recipients will decrease.

In some cases, even looting crores of rupees, banks consider 'hiding privacy' as a solution. Hackers have started targeting ATM switches or servers. Although they have come to the realm of investing in security in recent times, they do not seem to be ready to avoid the danger in time.

It is a fact that some banks and financial institutions are not even following the instructions given by the National Bank to adopt the security system. The concerned institutions need to be serious to keep the banking system safe.

How to keep the banking system safe?

The network and system related to the card should be supervised regularly.

Arrangements should be made to audit the information system related to the card annually.

Arrangements should be made to conduct Vulnerability Assessment and Penetration Testing (VAPT) of the card related system on a semi-annual basis.

Arrangements should be made to conduct quarterly risk assessment of the card related system and discuss it in the risk management committee of the concerned bank.

Arrangements should be made for regular centralized monitoring of ATMs connected to ATM amnesty. In addition, arrangements should be made to conduct such monitoring regularly even on Saturdays and other holidays.

Licensed financial service providers should arrange for cyber security insurance to minimize potential losses from cyber security risks.

In order to control the transaction limit through card, all banks and financial institutions should take the service of determining the transaction limit from Visa, MasterCard and other payment system operators.

Banks and financial institutions and PSO-PSPs should make arrangements to secure important infrastructure of information technology system using privilege access management.

Banks operating in compliance with Payment Card Industry and Data Security Standards (PCI-DSS) and operating ATM switches should make arrangements to audit PCI DSS annually.