Colloquium on Nepal

 Colloquium on Nepal

IV.Colloquium on Nepal 

A. Piers Blaikie, John Cameron and David Seddon’s Nepal in Crisis: Growth and

Stagnation in the Periphery. Chapter 2. Pp.24-58.

B. Chaitanya Mishra: ‘Development and underdevelopment in Nepal: A preliminary

sociological perspective.’ 1987. In Chaitanya Mishra, Essays on the Sociology of Nepal.

Pp. 47-80

C. Chaitanya Mishra: ‘Nepal: Long term and lar Colloquium on linkaging the ‘Nepal

texts’ to the ge scale: History and theory.’ Pp. 18

D. Chaitanya Mishra: ‘Samrajyabad ra Nepalko bhawisys.’ Kantipur. Feb 20, 2013 (Fagun

9, 2069). P. 7.

E. Ian Carlos Fitzpatrick. Cardamom and Class: A Limbu Village and its Extensions in East

Nepal. Pp. 1-26, 183-228, 271-78

F. Bandita Sijapati and Amrita Limbu. Governing Labor Migration in Nepal: An Analysis of

Existing Policies and Institutional Mechanisms. Chapter 1. Pp.1-24

The **Colloquium on Nepal** provides a focused discussion on the unique socio-economic, political, and developmental challenges facing Nepal. By engaging with key texts, such as those by Piers Blaikie, Chaitanya Mishra, Ian Carlos Fitzpatrick, and others, this section helps bridge the global world-systems perspective with the specific context of Nepal, examining the country's **peripheral position** within the global capitalist system and the effects of internal and external forces on its development.

### A. **Piers Blaikie, John Cameron, and David Seddon: "Nepal in Crisis: Growth and Stagnation in the Periphery" (Chapter 2, Pp. 24-58)**

This text provides a detailed analysis of Nepal's **economic stagnation** and **growth challenges** within the context of its **peripheral position** in the global capitalist system. Blaikie, Cameron, and Seddon argue that Nepal’s development is constrained by a combination of **internal factors**—such as its geography and political structure—and **external pressures** from the world system.

#### Key Points:

- **Peripheral Position**: Nepal is situated in the **periphery** of the world system, meaning it is economically dependent on core countries and subject to external influences. Its economy is largely based on **subsistence agriculture** and **low-wage labor**, which makes it vulnerable to global market fluctuations and external shocks.

  

- **Internal Factors**: The authors highlight **geographical isolation**, **political instability**, and the **lack of infrastructure** as major hindrances to economic growth. These factors contribute to a stagnant economy where wealth accumulation and capital investment are difficult.

- **Dependency on External Aid**: Nepal relies heavily on **foreign aid** and **remittances**, which deepens its dependency on core nations. This creates a cycle of dependence, where Nepal is unable to build a self-sustaining economy and remains locked in underdevelopment.

- **Agrarian Crisis**: The majority of Nepal’s population is engaged in agriculture, but the sector is characterized by **low productivity** and **land fragmentation**. The agrarian structure, combined with environmental degradation and land exhaustion, exacerbates the country’s economic challenges.

The analysis emphasizes the importance of understanding **Nepal’s economic challenges** within the context of its peripheral position in the world-system, while also paying attention to domestic factors that contribute to its stagnation.

### B. **Chaitanya Mishra: "Development and Underdevelopment in Nepal: A Preliminary Sociological Perspective" (1987, Pp. 47-80)**

Chaitanya Mishra’s essay provides a **sociological perspective** on the development and underdevelopment of Nepal. Mishra examines how **class relations**, **social structures**, and **external forces** contribute to Nepal’s underdevelopment, drawing on both **world-systems theory** and **dependency theory** to frame his argument.

#### Key Points:

- **Internal Social Structures**: Mishra focuses on the **hierarchical social structures** in Nepal, particularly the **caste system** and **feudal land relations**, which perpetuate inequality and hinder development. The **elite class**, which controls much of the political and economic power, benefits from the existing system and has little incentive to promote broad-based development.

- **External Forces**: Like Blaikie, Cameron, and Seddon, Mishra highlights the impact of **external forces** on Nepal’s underdevelopment. He emphasizes Nepal’s dependence on **foreign aid**, **trade imbalances**, and **remittances** as factors that reinforce its peripheral status in the global economy.

- **Role of the State**: Mishra critiques the **Nepalese state** for failing to enact meaningful reforms that could reduce inequality and promote economic growth. He argues that the state often serves the interests of the **elite class**, perpetuating underdevelopment through policies that reinforce dependency on foreign aid and suppress social mobility.

- **Global Inequality**: Mishra connects Nepal’s underdevelopment to broader patterns of **global inequality**, arguing that the **capitalist world-system** inherently creates conditions of wealth for some nations and poverty for others. He suggests that meaningful development in Nepal would require structural changes at both the national and global levels.

### C. **Chaitanya Mishra: "Nepal: Long Term and Large Scale: History and Theory" (Pp. 18)**

In this work, Chaitanya Mishra expands on his previous analysis by taking a **long-term, large-scale view** of Nepal’s history and development. He examines how historical processes have shaped the country’s current socio-economic conditions, linking local and global forces over time.

#### Key Points:

- **Historical Development**: Mishra traces Nepal’s development back to the **pre-capitalist era**, highlighting how its position in the world system has changed over time. He argues that while Nepal has always been economically and politically marginal, its incorporation into the capitalist world-system in the 19th and 20th centuries intensified its **dependency** on external powers.

- **Colonial Legacy**: Mishra examines the role of **British colonialism** in shaping Nepal’s development, particularly through its impact on trade and **labor migration**. While Nepal was never formally colonized, it was heavily influenced by British economic and political interests in the region.

- **Theoretical Implications**: Mishra suggests that understanding Nepal’s long-term development requires a **multi-dimensional analysis** that considers both internal social structures and external forces. He argues that the **world-systems perspective** is valuable for understanding Nepal’s peripheral position but needs to be complemented by an analysis of domestic factors, such as class and state power.

### D. **Chaitanya Mishra: "Samrajyabad ra Nepalko Bhawisya" (Imperialism and the Future of Nepal) (Kantipur, Feb 20, 2013)**

In this article, Mishra discusses the continuing impact of **imperialism** on Nepal’s development and speculates on the country’s future. He argues that while traditional forms of imperialism may have declined, Nepal remains subject to new forms of economic and political domination.

#### Key Points:

- **Neo-imperialism**: Mishra argues that **neo-imperialism** continues to shape Nepal’s development through **international financial institutions**, **foreign aid** programs, and **bilateral relations** with powerful countries. These external forces often dictate Nepal’s economic policies, limiting the country’s sovereignty and ability to pursue independent development paths.

- **Future Prospects**: Mishra remains skeptical about Nepal’s future under the current global order. He argues that unless Nepal can **break free** from its dependence on external powers and reform its internal social and political structures, it is unlikely to achieve meaningful development.

### E. **Ian Carlos Fitzpatrick: "Cardamom and Class: A Limbu Village and its Extensions in East Nepal" (Pp. 1-26, 183-228, 271-78)**

Fitzpatrick’s work provides an in-depth **ethnographic study** of a **Limbu village** in Eastern Nepal, focusing on the intersections of **class** and **agricultural production**, particularly the cultivation of **cardamom**, a high-value cash crop.

#### Key Points:

- **Class Relations**: Fitzpatrick examines how the cultivation of cardamom has created new **class divisions** within the Limbu community. While some farmers have been able to accumulate wealth and social status through the sale of cardamom, others remain trapped in poverty due to **landlessness** or lack of access to resources.

- **Global Markets**: The success of cardamom farming is heavily dependent on access to **global markets**. Fitzpatrick highlights the **vulnerability** of local farmers to fluctuations in global prices, which can have devastating effects on their livelihoods.

- **Migration and Labor**: Fitzpatrick also explores the role of **labor migration** in the region, noting that many young people leave the village to work in cities or abroad. This migration has both positive and negative effects on the village economy, as remittances provide a source of income but also contribute to **social dislocation** and a lack of investment in local development.

### F. **Bandita Sijapati and Amrita Limbu: "Governing Labor Migration in Nepal: An Analysis of Existing Policies and Institutional Mechanisms" (Chapter 1, Pp. 1-24)**

This text examines the **policies and institutional mechanisms** governing **labor migration** in Nepal. Sijapati and Limbu analyze the effectiveness of current policies in managing the large-scale migration of Nepalese workers abroad, particularly to the Gulf countries and Malaysia.

#### Key Points:

- **Labor Migration**: Nepal has one of the highest rates of **labor migration** in the world, with millions of Nepalese working abroad, primarily in low-wage, high-risk jobs. Remittances from these workers are a major source of income for Nepal’s economy, but the migration process is fraught with challenges.

- **Policy Gaps**: Sijapati and Limbu highlight the **inadequacies** in Nepal’s labor migration policies, including weak enforcement of labor rights, lack of support for migrants, and **corruption** within recruitment agencies. These gaps leave many migrant workers vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

- **Economic Dependence**: The authors argue that Nepal’s reliance on **remittances** as a major source of income creates a form of **economic dependency** that limits the country’s ability to develop more sustainable forms of economic growth.

### Conclusion

The **Colloquium on Nepal** readings offer a rich and nuanced examination of the country’s development challenges, particularly in the context of the global capitalist system. These texts draw attention to Nepal’s peripheral position in the world economy, its reliance on external aid and remittances, and the deep-rooted

Mahakali Treaty: After 27 years Oli admits 'weakness', these are the three main 'mistakes' made by Nepal

About 27 years after the signing of the Mahakali Treaty, the Chairman of CPN-UML and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, one of the people who played a role in getting the treaty approved by the Parliament, said that "there are some weaknesses" in the treaty.

What is the structure of the caste system mentioned in 1854 A.D/ 1910 B.S. Muluki Ain of Nepal?

 Q. What is the structure of the caste system mentioned in 1854 A.D/ 1910 B.S. Muluki Ain of Nepal? 

The Muluki Ain was a legal code introduced during Jung Bahadur Rana's reign in Nepal. It laid down various provisions related to social hierarchy, including the caste system.

The caste system mentioned in the 1854 Muluki Ain divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. The system was discriminatory and entrenched in social inequality, with individuals being restricted to certain professions and denied access to education and other opportunities based on their caste.

It is important to note that the Muluki Ain was eventually replaced by the new Civil Code in Nepal in 2017, which removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

The caste system in Nepal is a hierarchical system of social stratification that has existed in Nepali society for centuries. The 1854 Muluki Ain was a legal code that further entrenched and codified the caste system in Nepal.

The Muluki Ain divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The caste system in Nepal was highly discriminatory and entrenched in social inequality. Individuals were restricted to certain professions and denied access to education and other opportunities based on their caste. For example, members of the lower castes were often denied education, and their employment opportunities were limited to menial jobs such as cleaning and farming. In contrast, members of the higher castes were able to access education and had access to a wider range of employment opportunities.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. Inter-caste marriages were discouraged, and inheritance and property rights were determined by an individual's caste. These provisions further entrenched the caste system and ensured that individuals remained trapped within their caste for generations.

Despite efforts to abolish the caste system in Nepal, it still persists in many parts of the country, and discrimination based on caste is still prevalent. However, progress has been made in recent years to promote equality and eliminate discrimination based on caste. The new Civil Code in Nepal, which replaced the Muluki Ain in 2017, removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

In conclusion, the caste system in Nepal mentioned in the 1854 Muluki Ain was a discriminatory system of social stratification that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste. Despite efforts to abolish the caste system, discrimination based on caste still persists in many parts of Nepal. However, progress has been made in recent years, and the new Civil Code in Nepal ensures equal rights for all citizens, regardless of their caste.

Q. Discuss the caste hierarchy of Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854. 

The caste system in Nepal, as codified in the Muluki Ain of 1854, was a hierarchical system of social stratification that divided Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The Brahmins were considered the highest caste and were accorded the most privileges, followed by Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. Within each caste were sub-castes, and the system was based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution.

The Brahmins were at the top of the caste hierarchy and were considered the purest and most learned of all castes. They were responsible for religious rituals, such as conducting pujas and performing other religious ceremonies. The Kshatriyas were the second-highest caste and were traditionally warriors and rulers. They were responsible for defending the country and maintaining law and order.

The Vaishyas were the third-highest caste and were traditionally traders and merchants. They were responsible for economic activities and commerce. The Shudras were at the bottom of the caste hierarchy and were traditionally laborers and servants. They were responsible for menial jobs such as farming, cleaning, and other low-skilled work.

Within each caste, there were sub-castes, which further divided society based on specific occupations or professions. For example, within the Brahmin caste, there were sub-castes such as the Bahun, Chhetri, and Thakuri. Similarly, within the Shudra caste, there were sub-castes such as the Kami, Damai, and Sarki.

The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status. Inter-caste marriages were discouraged, and inheritance and property rights were determined by an individual's caste. These provisions further entrenched the caste system and ensured that individuals remained trapped within their caste for generations.

The caste hierarchy in Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854 was a discriminatory system that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste. Despite efforts to abolish the caste system in Nepal, discrimination based on caste still persists in many parts of the country. However, progress has been made in recent years to promote equality and eliminate discrimination based on caste. The new Civil Code in Nepal, which replaced the Muluki Ain in 2017, removed caste-based discrimination and ensured equal rights for all citizens.

Q. Marry Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. What led Cameron to make an argument?

Marry Cameron is a scholar who has conducted extensive research on caste-based discrimination and social exclusion in Nepal. In her research, she argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas.

Cameron's argument is based on the observation that much of the Dalit identity politics in Nepal is focused on urban areas, where there is greater awareness of Dalit issues and where Dalits have access to Dalitscation and other opportunities. However, in rural areas, where the majority of Nepal's Dalits live, caste-based discrimination is often more severe and more entrenched.

Cameron contends that the Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits, such as the lack of access to education and employment opportunities, and the persistence of traditional caste-based practices and beliefs. She argues that the focus on urban areas has led to a neglect of the needs and experiences of rural Dalits.

Furthermore, Cameron argues that there is a need for a more nuanced approach to Dalit identity politics that takes into account the diversity of experiences and challenges faced by Dalits across different regions of Nepal. She suggests that a more inclusive approach to Dalit politics, which includes the voices and perspectives of rural Dalits, is necessary to address the systemic discrimination and social exclusion faced by Dalits in Nepal.

In conclusion, Mary Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. She suggests that a more inclusive approach that takes into account the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits is necessary to address the systemic discrimination and social exclusion faced by Dalits in Nepal.

Summary:

1. What is the caste system in Nepal? 

   - The caste system in Nepal is a hierarchical system of social stratification that divides Nepali society into four main castes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras.

   - Within each caste, there are sub-castes that further divide society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The caste system is based on a hierarchy of purity and pollution, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

2. What is the Muluki Ain of 1854 in Nepal? 

    

    - The Muluki Ain was introduced in Nepal in 1854.

   - The Muluki Ain was a legal code that laid down various provisions related to caste and social hierarchy in Nepal.

   - It divided Nepali society into four main castes, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

   - Within each caste, there were sub-castes that further divided society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The Muluki Ain also laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status.

3. Discuss the caste hierarchy of Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854. - The Muluki Ain was introduced in Nepal in 1854.

   - The caste hierarchy in Nepal based on the Muluki Ain of 1854 was a discriminatory system that entrenched social inequality and restricted opportunities for individuals based on their caste.

   - The system divided Nepali society into four main castes, with Brahmins at the top and Shudras at the bottom.

   - Within each caste, there were sub-castes that further divided society based on specific occupations or professions.

   - The Muluki Ain laid down various provisions related to marriage, inheritance, and property rights linked to an individual's caste status.

4. Mary Cameron argues that Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the problem of caste-based discrimination experienced by Dalits in rural areas. What led Cameron to make this argument? -

   - Mary Cameron is a scholar who has conducted extensive research on caste-based discrimination and social exclusion in Nepal.

   - She argues that much of the Dalit identity politics in Nepal is focused on urban areas, where there is greater awareness of Dalit issues and where Dalits have access to education and other opportunities.

   - In rural areas, where the majority of Nepal's Dalits live, caste-based discrimination is often more severe and more entrenched.

   - Cameron contends that the Dalit identity politics in Nepal has not paid enough attention to the specific challenges faced by rural Dalits, such as the lack of access to education and employment opportunities, and the persistence of traditional caste-based practices and beliefs.

Development and Underdevelopment in Nepal

 Development and Underdevelopment in Nepal

8. Development and Underdevelopment in Nepal

Question: Using a world-system perspective, analyze the issues of development and underdevelopment in Nepal. How do global economic forces impact Nepal’s peripheral status in the world economy?

Relevant Readings: Chaitanya Mishra, “Development and Underdevelopment in Nepal”; Piers Blaikie, John Cameron, and David Seddon, Nepal in Crisis.

Analyzing the development and underdevelopment of Nepal through a world-systems perspective reveals the profound impact of global economic forces on its peripheral status in the world economy. This perspective emphasizes the interconnectedness of nations within a capitalist framework, highlighting how external economic dynamics shape internal conditions.

## Nepal's Peripheral Status in the World Economy

### 1. **Historical Context and Global Integration**

Nepal's integration into the global economy has been marked by its historical reliance on agriculture, remittances, and foreign aid. Despite its rich natural resources, including significant hydropower potential, Nepal has struggled to leverage these assets effectively due to a combination of political instability, inadequate infrastructure, and external economic pressures.

- **Colonial Legacy**: Although Nepal was never formally colonized, its geopolitical position between India and China has historically subjected it to external influences and pressures. This has shaped its economic policies and development trajectories, often aligning them with the interests of more powerful neighbors.

- **Globalization and Economic Policies**: The adoption of liberalization policies in the early 1990s aimed to integrate Nepal into the global market. However, these policies have often favored foreign investment at the expense of local industries, leading to a dependency on external capital and remittances rather than fostering sustainable domestic growth[2][4].

### 2. **Impact of Global Economic Forces**

Global economic forces have significantly influenced Nepal's development trajectory, reinforcing its peripheral status:

- **Trade Imbalances**: Nepal's trade is heavily skewed in favor of imports, particularly from India, leading to a persistent trade deficit. The reliance on imported goods hampers local production and perpetuates economic dependency. For instance, the country has shifted from being a rice exporter to a major importer due to agricultural challenges and trade policies influenced by its neighbors[4][5].

- **Remittances as a Double-Edged Sword**: While remittances have become a crucial source of income for many families, contributing to poverty alleviation, they also create a dependency that undermines local economic development. The outflow of labor to foreign countries reflects a lack of domestic opportunities and exacerbates the brain drain, further weakening Nepal's economic base[1][4][5].

- **Geopolitical Influences**: The geopolitical landscape, characterized by competition between India and China, complicates Nepal's development. Both countries vie for influence, often using economic aid and investment as tools. This dynamic can lead to a lack of coherent national development strategies, as Nepal navigates the competing interests of its powerful neighbors[1][4].

## Development and Underdevelopment Issues

### 1. **Political Instability and Governance Challenges**

Frequent changes in government and political instability have hindered consistent policy implementation, creating an unfavorable business environment. This instability affects foreign investment and economic planning, perpetuating underdevelopment. The lack of effective governance has led to corruption, inefficient bureaucracy, and a failure to capitalize on development opportunities[1][4].

### 2. **Infrastructure and Human Capital Deficiencies**

Nepal faces significant infrastructure challenges, particularly in transportation, energy, and communication. The difficult terrain complicates infrastructure development, limiting access to markets and services. Additionally, the education and skill levels of the workforce are often inadequate, further constraining economic growth and development potential[3][4].

### 3. **Environmental Vulnerabilities**

Natural disasters, such as the 2015 earthquake, have had devastating impacts on Nepal's economy, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities. The reliance on agriculture makes the country particularly susceptible to climate change and environmental degradation, which can undermine food security and economic stability[1][5].

## Conclusion

From a world-systems perspective, Nepal's issues of development and underdevelopment are deeply intertwined with its peripheral status in the global economy. Global economic forces, characterized by trade imbalances, geopolitical influences, and dependency on remittances, significantly impact Nepal's ability to achieve sustainable development. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive approach that considers the interplay of internal dynamics and external pressures, fostering a more equitable and resilient economic framework that can break the cycle of dependency and underdevelopment.

Citations:

[1] https://nepaleconomicforum.org/is-nepal-ready-for-the-shift-in-global-economic-epicenter/

[2] https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/voice/article/download/61431/46213/181172

[3] https://aric.adb.org/pdf/attn/Review%20of%20Nepal%20Economy.pdf

[4] https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/deepening-economic-crisis-in-nepal

[5] https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/nepal/overview

[6] https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/nepal/publication/nepaldevelopmentupdate

[7] https://www.adb.org/news/nepal-economy-gradually-improve-fy2024

[8] https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/223386599900200106

What is the drug culture like in Nepal?

Buying drugs in Kathmandu was legal in the 1960s ... walking the streets today and you still think it is.

After dark, anyone visiting the Tamale tourist area of ​​Kathmandu can see lonely crooked men, who brush close to your face and utter loud words - ... hashish ... smoke, do you want it?

Once a free hiding place for legal smoking of marijuana, marijuana, opium and other recreational drugs, Nepal's drip scene is the subject of a hippie hangout myth. But sellers, buyers and smugglers still have plenty here. Unfortunately, there are also hardcore drugs such as heroin, cocaine and amphetamine. For better or worse, it is still very easy to obtain drugs in Nepal. There is a dangerous path that Nepal tourists follow to buy drugs in more than one way. Hashish smoking is legal on Shivaratri in Nepal… but only thenDrinking hashish during Shivaratri in Nepal is legal… but only for one day!

Why Kathmandu Is Easy To Get Drugs In Nepal?

Nepal is not the product of drugs per second. Yes, in some "remote" villages you can find the odd crop of plants with green leaves. Hashish smoking is legal for the day during the Shivaratri festival. Shiva is the god of all the gods who enjoy strange smoke now and then. The original cause of easy access in Nepal is twofold. Due to the country's geographical proximity, the Golden Crescent - Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran. Add frequent flights to Thailand and India with a large porous land border with northern India.

Then in the 1970s, with the US and Nepal banned drug trafficking, the US banned drug trafficking in Nepal, claiming that some were involved in the monarchy.

The Eden Hash Center is where the hash is legally sold. The little street south of Kathmandu Durbar Square, called Freak Street, is much more vibrant than it is today. Once there are direct buses from the airport to Freak Street and the hippie-filled borders are seeking their own legal fog! Yes, the state-run hash shops in Nepal were one of the major tourist attractions in the 1960s. Today, Freak Street is a remodeled "un-attraction" for hippies and tourists. Now when the old hippies roam Old Nepal, they walk on Freak Street. Sometimes "designers" try to see that they belong to the same stock, iding and avoiding hippies.

When US President Richard Nixon signed the new King of Nepal in 1973, there was a round of traditional hippies on Frick Street to ban marijuana. The '60s hippie tourism was quickly replaced by the more respected business of trekking and cultural tourism. From rocky hippies to the global heroin business. In the 70s and 80s, the heroin business became a major source of income for the elite in Nepal. One of the dead of brown sugar heroin was the Crown Prince, who was sent to rehabilitation in Switzerland. Meanwhile, in 1984, the Nepali soccer team was detained in 150kg of pure heroin lex. At the SAARC meeting, an American delegation bought two kilos of pure heroin and put it on Nepali police chiefs' table before threatening to cut off all aid to Nepal.

In 1990, King Birendra restored multi-party democracy in Nepal. Along with military and trade agreements with Pakistan. A group of democratic ruling parties suddenly grew and Nepal was a heroin hub. In the aftermath of the imperial deaths, Time magazine's article referred to the royal family's history of drug dealing. As the number of drug users in Nepal has steadily increased, the number of people arrested for trafficking has been increasing lately in the country. Statistics for the past six years (2011-2015) provided by the Nepalese police show that 15,496 drug traffickers were arrested in the country during this period.

Over the past five years, on average, more than 2 thousand people have been detained on charges of drug abuse and trafficking, but the number of female smugglers is growing.

If the current trend continues, police expect the number of smugglers to reach 3,300 by the end of this year. Over the past six years, police have seized 14,881 kg of marijuana, an equal amount of hashish, 67 kg of opium, 52 kg of heroin and 28 kg of cocaine. The current local market price of marijuana and hash is Rs 25,000 per kg, while opium is Rs 200,000 per kg. Heroin and cocaine are traded at Rs 20 lakh per kilo.

Among smugglers, a large number of Indians were arrested for drug trafficking; A total of 763 Indians including 729 men and 36 women were arrested by the police. The number of Indian nationals arrested in 2011 was 126 men and 9 women, while in 2012, 179 men and 8 women were arrested on trafficking charges.

In 2013, police arrested 123 men, 6 women, 127 men, 6 women in 2014, 107 men and 4 women in 2015.

At the end of August 2016, Nepal police had 65 men and 3 women. In addition to India, police have arrested a total of 80 foreigners from different third world countries this year alone. Cocaine and heroin from the Latin American countries of Brazil, Peru, have come to Nepal, so it is clear that international drug traffickers are using Nepal as a means. Narcotics Control Bureau Chief Digi Jaya Bahadur Chand said cocaine and heroin were not sold in Nepal but instead were exported to India, China, Thailand, Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia.

Often, non-drug users are caught trafficking for illicit drugs such as cocaine and heroin.

Chand said that only a few influential and wealthy families in Kathmandu in Nepal could afford these drugs. Chand said the use of illicit drugs such as marijuana, hash, nurse pills, phenargon and diazepam is high in Nepal.

According to a study conducted by the United Nations, 300 million people worldwide currently take drugs each year; The illicit drug business is worth about $ 332 billion. Similarly, in a study conducted by the Nepal government in 2069, BS reported 91,534 (85,204 men and 6,330 women) drug abusers nationwide.

Data shows that the number of drug users in Nepal increases every year by 11.36%.

Politics and history of Nepal’s Kalapani claim

The Nepali media also backed the country's historic claim to the region, but the coverage of governments in Kathmandu without much emphasis on Nepal's rightful claim to the region has been measured with much blame.

Former Director General of Nepal Topographic Survey, Punya Prasad Oli said there was a "gentleman's agreement" between Nepal and Indian authorities to publish maps after the joint issue of border / delimitation operations and strip maps of their joint border. . After India released its map in November, Nepal was no help, but released its edition.

It was only in 1981 that the two countries formed the Nepal-India Technical Level Joint Boundary Group, which decided to locate the borders, maintain the dilapidated and missing boundary columns and freeze the areas where they were built.

As clearly stated, Nepal's position in relation to Kalapani, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura is based on a map of British East India, published after the Treaty of Sougouli of 1816 - especially the British map of 1857.

Deepak Gurung needs to be educated in Nepal

On the other hand, India's position is based on a map of the British Survey of India 1857–1881 and beyond. It should be remembered that Nepal's Topographic Survey published the first map of Nepal in 1976, but the artist, Lipu Lekh and Limpiyadhura were not shown. On the other hand, Nepal maps published in textbooks during the Panchayat period contain these areas. The new political map has an appendix-like piece from the northwest corner of Nepal.

There is no other treaty that Nepal has entered into with British India, claiming that Nepal has changed its western boundary due to natural causes. Although the flow of rivers has changed in some sections of Terai following the Treaty, the status of the river is taken as a boundary at the time of the Treaty, according to international boundary principles.

An Indian argument is that British cartographers continued to move the Kashi River to the east for strategic reasons, so Nepal should accept it without question.

There are no records in Nepal to suggest that these boundaries were jointly made between the British East India Company and Nepal. There is no water on the international border crossing due to a change in the route of the mountain river. Although these changes along the river route are described in maps published by the Survey of India under British rule, they cannot be used as a reference for determining international boundaries.

Two Nepal-India allies face Alisha Sizapati

Perhaps Indian Army Chief General M.N. Narvana made a very serious statement last week, which suggested that Nepal was influenced by the 'Third Party' in bringing about the issue of artisans. It is not only in Nepal but also in India where the former Indian Ambassador to Nepal is. A-Salah said, creating a ruckus.

According to Biswabandhu Thapa, who was the Home Minister in the reign of King Mahendra in Nepal in 1962, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a personal letter to King Mahendra. Ask for the Indian War.

The juxtaposition of the world-system/world system perspectives and its variants

 The juxtaposition of the world-system/world system perspectives and its variants

V. Reflecting back on the perspective and variants 

This unit is utilized to summarize the juxtaposition of the world-system/world system

perspectives and its variants on the one hand and the ‘Nepal texts’ on the other. It is intended as

an exercise in linkaging the theoretical and the empirical and in cultivating a habit of theoretical

thinking. It is expected that the colloquium will be summarized, documented, shared, and utilized

as a learning device during subsequent semesters in Kirtipur and other campuses.

### V. Reflecting Back on the World-System Perspective and Variants in Relation to the Nepal Context

This final unit seeks to juxtapose the **world-system theory** with the specific socio-economic realities of Nepal, as examined in the previous texts. By linking theoretical insights from **Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system perspective** and its critiques to empirical evidence from Nepal’s development trajectory, students are encouraged to reflect on how global systems of inequality manifest in local contexts like Nepal. The ultimate goal of this reflection is to cultivate a deeper understanding of **theoretical thinking** and apply it to empirical data.

#### 1. **World-System Theory and Its Key Concepts**

At the heart of Wallerstein's **world-system theory** is the idea that the modern world is organized into a global economic system characterized by unequal relations between a **core**, **semi-periphery**, and **periphery**. The core nations dominate the global economy, controlling **capital**, **technology**, and **high-skill labor**, while peripheral nations provide **cheap labor** and **raw materials**, often becoming dependent on the core for economic survival. Semi-peripheral nations act as intermediaries, experiencing both exploitation and some degree of upward mobility.

This framework emphasizes the role of **capitalism** in creating and perpetuating global inequalities, where countries in the periphery are continually exploited for their resources, labor, and markets. Wallerstein’s model, however, has been critiqued for being too **economically deterministic** and for minimizing the role of local actors, **state institutions**, and historical contingencies in shaping developmental outcomes.

#### 2. **Nepal as a Case Study of Peripheral Status**

The empirical case of Nepal, as discussed in the **Colloquium on Nepal**, provides a concrete example of a country situated in the **periphery** of the global capitalist system. Authors like **Piers Blaikie, John Cameron, and David Seddon** describe how Nepal’s peripheral status shapes its economic stagnation and dependence on foreign aid, mirroring many of the dynamics described by Wallerstein in his world-system theory. The **agrarian crisis**, **low productivity**, and **limited industrialization** position Nepal firmly as a peripheral nation, where external forces and global economic shifts exert a significant impact on local economic realities.

Nepal’s reliance on **remittances** and **foreign aid** further exemplifies its dependency, as global labor markets shape both internal migration patterns and economic development strategies. In this sense, the **unequal economic exchanges** described by world-system theory are vividly reflected in Nepal’s development trajectory.

#### 3. **Critiques and Variants of the World-System Theory**

The critiques of world-system theory, particularly those from scholars like **Theda Skocpol**, **Andre Gunder Frank**, and **Christopher Chase-Dunn**, offer important nuances that help explain Nepal’s unique development challenges. For instance, Skocpol’s critique of Wallerstein’s **overemphasis on economic factors** and **neglect of state institutions** is relevant to Nepal, where political instability, internal **class structures**, and **caste hierarchies** play significant roles in shaping developmental outcomes. Skocpol’s focus on **state autonomy** could help explain why Nepal, despite its peripheral status, has seen moments of political transformation and social movements that challenge external domination.

Similarly, **Andre Gunder Frank’s** argument for a **5,000-year world system** highlights the importance of long-term global trade networks, particularly in Asia, which may offer a broader historical context for understanding Nepal’s development. Nepal’s economic history, including its **trade relations with India** and its position as a mediator between **China and India**, might be better understood through Frank’s emphasis on **historical continuity** in global systems rather than the more rigid break proposed by Wallerstein in the 16th century.

Additionally, **Chase-Dunn’s** call for recognizing both **continuities and differences** in world-systems across time is particularly helpful for Nepal. Nepal’s internal development challenges are not solely the result of its integration into the modern capitalist world-system but also reflect long-standing **social, political, and geographical factors** that have shaped the country's position in the world economy over centuries.

#### 4. **Local Specificities: Insights from Chaitanya Mishra and Other Nepalese Scholars**

Chaitanya Mishra’s work adds a crucial **local perspective** to the world-system framework, emphasizing the internal social structures—such as **feudal land relations**, the **caste system**, and **elite dominance**—that perpetuate underdevelopment in Nepal. Mishra’s arguments are aligned with the **dependency theory** critique of world-system analysis, which focuses more on **internal class dynamics** within peripheral nations.

Mishra’s critique of **external dependency** through remittances and foreign aid resonates strongly with Wallerstein’s model but also underscores the **agency of local actors** in shaping Nepal’s development path. While global forces are undoubtedly influential, Nepalese elites, political leaders, and social movements have also played a role in the country’s development trajectory, sometimes exacerbating inequality and at other times challenging the status quo.

The work of **Ian Carlos Fitzpatrick** on the **cardamom economy** in a Limbu village and the policies governing **labor migration** further illustrate the **interplay between local and global forces**. Fitzpatrick’s ethnographic work shows how global markets affect local livelihoods and how local class structures are transformed by participation in global trade. This aligns with the world-system analysis but also highlights the **agency** of local actors in navigating these global dynamics.

#### 5. **The Theoretical and Empirical Linkages**

Linking the theoretical framework of world-systems theory to the empirical case of Nepal provides important insights into the nature of **global inequality**, **local development**, and the **role of peripheral nations** in the world economy. While world-systems theory offers a **macro-level explanation** of global inequality, the case of Nepal emphasizes the importance of **internal social structures**, **political institutions**, and **historical legacies** in shaping development.

For instance, world-system theory helps explain why Nepal, as a peripheral nation, struggles with economic stagnation and dependency on external aid. However, it is local factors—such as the **agrarian structure**, the **role of elites**, and the **political instability**—that complicate the picture and require a more nuanced understanding of development. 

Moreover, the **critiques** of world-systems theory, particularly those that emphasize the role of **state autonomy**, **internal class dynamics**, and **historical continuity**, offer valuable insights for understanding Nepal’s particular challenges. While global forces shape Nepal’s economy, the **agency of the Nepalese state**, its **elite classes**, and the broader **social structure** are also key factors in determining the country’s developmental trajectory.

#### 6. **Concluding Reflection**

The juxtaposition of **world-system theory** with the **Nepal texts** encourages a deeper engagement with both **theory and empirical data**, allowing students to develop a habit of **theoretical thinking**. By examining how global systems of inequality manifest in a specific national context, students are better equipped to understand the complexities of development in peripheral nations like Nepal.

The colloquium’s exploration of these themes underscores the value of integrating **macro-level global analysis** with **micro-level local studies**. This exercise not only broadens our understanding of **global capitalism** and **world systems** but also highlights the **importance of local specificities** in shaping national development outcomes. As this colloquium continues to be shared and utilized in future semesters, it serves as a vital tool for fostering critical thinking and analytical skills among students studying **development sociology** and **global inequality** in Nepal.

In conclusion, reflecting on both the **world-system perspective** and its variants, alongside the **Nepal texts**, helps students see the intersection between **theory** and **reality**, providing a framework to analyze contemporary society and development in Nepal within the larger global system.

How is Nepali culture unique?

Nepali Cultural

The Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal (former Kingdom of Nepal) is a great country in terms of cultural heritage.

Nepali culture represents a combination of Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Mongolian influences, the result of a long history of migration, occupation and trade. Nepali culture has many symbols from both Hindu and Buddhist origins. This multifaceted cultural heritage encompasses the cultural diversity of different ethnic, tribal and social groups, and lives and manifests in different forms: music and dance; Art and crafts; Folklore and folklore; Languages ​​and literature; Philosophy and Religion; Festivals and festivals; And foods and drinks.

The most important of the symbols for the whole country are national flowers and birds, rhododendrons and denaf (lophophorus); Flag; And kukris (curved knives) made over the Gurkhas.

Nationalist rhetoric uses the metaphor of a wand with hundreds of flowers representing the national unity between cultural diversity. In Nepal they believe in 'unity in diversity' and this is the specialty of Nepali. Home to some cultures and religions that have shaped the philosophical outlook of the civilized world for thousands of years, Nepal is not only a paradise for adventurers, but also a beautiful revelation, cultural heritage and education for all visitors.

The natural beauty and cultural types that make Nepal a special place in the Hindu and Buddhist traditions make it unique.

According to Hindu mythology, the deities reside in the Himalayas, and are specifically associated with one of the three major Hindu deities, Lord Shiva. Pasupatinath is one of the holy shrines of Nepal and attracts Hindu pilgrims from all over South Asia. In the Kathmandu valley alone, there are hundreds of shrines, large and small, which are worshiped with the main deities of Hindu deities as well as local and minor divinities. Many of these temples are built on the banks of rivers or on peepal trees, which are considered sacred. Apart from this, the Manam Temple, Dakshinakali, Muktinath, Gosakunda, Khapatad and other Hindu pilgrimages are also popular for cultural tours in Nepal. For Buddhists, Nepal is the birthplace of Buddha, the great sovereign of peace.

It is home to many important Buddhist monasteries and stupas, including the Buddha Nath and Swayambhu, whose dome-shaped structure and painted eyes have become a symbol of the Kathmandu Valley. Lumbini, the birthplace of Buddha, is another major destination for Buddhist pilgrims and cultural tourists in Nepal. Kathmandu, the capital city of the vast valley surrounded by forested hills and snow-capped peaks, is an attractive city and an ideal destination for cultural tourism in Nepal. Along with two other ancient cities, Lalitpur (Patan) and Bhaktapur (Bhadgaon), the three cities in the Kathmandu Valley have many unique templates, obelisks, squares, places and museums along with.

Places like Pokhara, Gorkha, Tansen and Chitwan can give you a good projection of Nepal’s fascinating attractions.

Pokhara, lakes, Himalayan scenery and cozy climate, is the most enjoyable place in the country and is 200 km from Kathmandu. A good takeaway for short and long haul trips to the historic city, Gorkha. The Chitwan National Park is easily accessible from all the major cities in Nepal, another good destination for understanding the asphalt culture, the low land and the Terai people. Besides, there are many cultural sites in Nepal, from rural villages to urban cities. For more cultural tour options for Nepal, Tibet and Bhutan please visit our Travel Holiday Packages section. You want to examine and honor our cultural ideology in Nepal for some cultural values. With all packaged cultural tourism in Nepal, you will get invaluable and incomparable insights into the diverse ethnic group lifestyle, tradition, religion, faith and social behavior patterns that are important Being a renowned tour operator base in Nepal, it is committed to customizing the best cultural tour to suit its needs in its time and interest in Nepal.

Nepal is a country of many indigenous and ethnic groups with different arts, cultures and religions.

They are a major component of Nepali society. They celebrate various festivals throughout the year with their special rituals and rituals. But, their way of celebrating festivals and lifestyle varies from one part to another. Most of these rituals are derived from Hindu and Buddhist traditions. People of different faiths and beliefs are the main features of Nepali society. Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity are the major religions practiced in Nepal. There is a sense of unity among people despite living in diversity. Mostly, the Brahmins and the Chhatris are considered Hindu believers and are taken to be Buddhist pilgrims from the Mongolian society, but they have a good deal of respect. There is a different tradition to Hinduism that animals are sacrificed to the Goddess because they symbolize it as a cruel force and need blood to satisfy it. Lord Shiva is regarded as the supreme deity in Hinduism. The ritual is different because there are so many castes and ethnic groups. They are guided by the underlying mechanisms of religions. However, the arrangement of marriage is determined by the parents rather than the boy or girl. In some communities, there are still morals such as shadowism. The cow is worshiped as a goddess without eating beef. Mostly, males work outdoors and females, but it is slowly disappearing.

Selling hydropower to Silicon Valley in the name of data centers may not bring real benefits to Nepal

 Selling hydropower to Silicon Valley in the name of data centers may not bring real benefits to Nepal

A few months ago, a well-intentioned development consultant working in Nepal explained to me why Nepal is a perfect fit for green computing (environmentally friendly data centers). His argument was that the country is ideal because of its abundant hydropower, cool mountainous climate, and its location between two of the world’s largest digital economies. He was right in a way. But he failed to understand what all of this would ultimately lead to.

To put it simply, the proposal is to let a foreign company build a data center here, run it on Nepal’s own hydropower, attract foreign investment, and call it green. It sounds like a win, but personally, I don’t think it’s a win.

In green computing, the word ‘green’ refers almost entirely to the source of electricity. Everything else is left out of the equation. Data centers, in particular, are heavy users of water. Large hyperscale infrastructure can consume up to 10 million liters of water per day for cooling.

Nepal is facing a severe seasonal water crisis, and the rivers that feed the hydroelectric system are the same ones that farming communities have depended on for centuries. No one is talking about this water trade-off. That is, no one is talking about how much water is lost to agriculture and locals when water is used to run data centers, or what Nepal has to lose.

In addition, there is another big problem of embedded carbon (the hidden carbon emitted during the manufacture and transportation of goods). The cement and rods used to build buildings, and the large server machines transported by trucks and ships, are also contributing to pollution. These servers break down every three to five years and have to be replaced.

This leads to a huge amount of electronic waste. There is no effective system in Nepal to recycle and reuse such old machines or hardware. So this electronic waste will eventually end up in some corner of the country, where those foreign investors probably won't even notice. There are many other things that are good in Nepal, but our waste management or recycling system is not good.

If we look deeper into the issue of electricity, this argument also proves to be weak. It is true that Nepal produces more electricity. However, in my experience, this is only during the rainy season. Even today, when the water level in the rivers decreases during the dry season in winter, households and industries have to face electricity shortages.

If Nepal provides electricity to these data centers of foreign companies, that electricity cannot be sold to India at a good price. Similarly, domestic industries that are trying to produce something in the country do not get that electricity either. Nor can that electricity be delivered to the remote homes of Karnali, which are still burning kerosene.

What Nepal should not forget is that this country has spent the past few decades in extreme load shedding. The situation was so miserable that even in Kathmandu, the electricity was out for 16/17 hours a day. At that time, the phrase ‘lights gone out’ was always on people’s lips. I remember, I used to use the ‘lights come’ app myself to know when the electricity would come back. After such a long struggle, ending that dark era and letting the electricity that was barely collected run for our own country and not for our own country is like ‘walking in the opposite direction’.

The argument that these data centers ‘create jobs’ sounds the most tempting. But when you dig deeper, this is also the thing that proves to be the most hollow. In a large data center, barely a few dozen people get permanent jobs, and that too in security guards and general maintenance work. The main technical work that pays well is done by specialists, who are often foreigners.

It is true that they bring in big investments. But that money immediately goes abroad. Because that money could be used to buy server machines from America or other Asian countries and pay for software licenses. The government gives various tax breaks to bring such companies to Nepal, which also results in the loss of revenue that the country is supposed to get.

In the end, what happens is that Nepal gives its land, electricity, political support, and even the transmission line or infrastructure. However, all the profits from this go abroad.

My country, Ireland, said ‘yes’ to all these things (offshore data centers and tax breaks). And the situation there over the last 10 years has taught us a valuable lesson. Ireland’s calculations were not entirely wrong. Companies there were only charged 12.5 percent corporate tax (minimum tax). This not only filled the country with data centers, but also large technology companies like Google and Meta opened their European headquarters in the capital, Dublin. This really benefited the Irish economy. However, the story of the data centers is different.

In the 2010s, Ireland became a data center hub in Europe, thanks to its cool Atlantic climate, access to the European market, and low taxes. In 2015, data centers consumed only about 5 percent of the country's total electricity, but by 2023, they were consuming 21 percent. According to AirGrid, the country's national electricity transmission system operator, data centers will consume about a third of the country's electricity by the mid-2030s. .

On the one hand, Ireland has set its own goal of producing 70 percent renewable energy by 2030. But on the other hand, this goal has been undermined by the fact that foreign servers are consuming electricity. The electricity infrastructure there could not cope with this pressure. Due to which, in 2022, the Electricity Authority completely banned the connection of new data centers in the capital Dublin.

The biggest hit has been to the general public. According to the latest statistics (May 2026), the people of Ireland are buying electricity at the most expensive price in the European Union. Citizens there are paying almost 40 percent more than the average price in Europe. Having to pay more than 40 cents per unit, an average household is facing an additional financial burden of about 480 euros (about 82 thousand rupees) per year on its electricity bill alone.

The issue of water has also become another big problem there. Microsoft's data center at Grange Castle (for drawing too much water) has been the subject of so much controversy and scrutiny that when the UN's special representative visited Ireland to assess the state of the clean environment, Microsoft refused to let him enter its data center.

The number of jobs it has provided is no longer a mystery. Even if all the data centers across Ireland were combined, only a few thousand people would be directly employed there. This is an area that alone generates 20 percent (one-fifth) of the country's electricity. Billions have been invested in building transmission lines to deliver electricity to it. These data centers occupy so much land; many homes could be built there for the general public. In comparison, these jobs are a very small and disappointing return.

Ireland had many such facilities that Nepal does not have. Ireland is a member state of the European Union (EU), it has a reliable legal system. On top of that, the first language is English. In addition, the country has decades of experience in making deals with big tech companies. Its tax-free policies have not only brought data centers, but also large offices for companies like Google and Meta. Where tens of thousands of engineers found jobs and a ‘knowledge-based economy’ developed along with server machines.

But that may not be the case in Nepal. Nepal will only get server racks. But people will not get desks to work. Despite such favorable conditions, data centers in Ireland have crippled public infrastructure, caused electricity shortages and provided jobs to only a few people who could not fill a football stadium in the name of employment. In such a situation, Nepal will have to make deals on even weaker ground, the results of which are sure to be worse than Ireland’s.

I have been closely monitoring the actual development of the technology sector here, living in Nepal for more than a decade. As expected, Nepal’s IT services exports will reach $1 billion by 2025, which is more than double in the last three years.

Nepali engineers who studied at world-renowned universities like MIT and Carnegie Mellon in the US are returning home with investments and international networks. Nepal is really building a strong foundation now. This development is not happening by becoming ‘cheap workers’ in the supply chain of foreigners, but by Nepali engineers themselves becoming founders and owners of companies.

However, this so-called ‘green compute’ (foreign data center) plan is nowhere in line with the real progress of the country. It is trying to make Nepal a mere shepherd who provides water and electricity. Where local resources are used, but the real profit is taken by someone else.

Whose law applies to the data of a company kept in Nepal but registered abroad? What if a foreign government exerts legal pressure tomorrow? Such questions are never discussed seriously before an agreement is signed.

Nepal is between two large countries like India and China. Both these countries do not take digital infrastructure (data centers, etc.) built in their neighborhoods for granted. The decision to bring a US company to the Chinese border (Nepal) and set up a data center, or to allow a Chinese company to open a data center at a distance that India considers a security threat, cannot be dismissed for long as ‘it’s just a business decision’. This could quickly become a matter of geopolitical tension.

Once large data center buildings are built here and machines are connected, Nepal’s negotiating position becomes even weaker. Because those machines have to be repaired by foreign experts, and the spare parts needed to keep them running have to be imported from abroad. Thus, Nepal is forced to rely on foreigners structurally.

One argument is always heard in support of this. That is, isn’t it better to run a data center using hydropower in Nepal than to run a data center burning coal (and polluting it) in some other country? However, this is just an illusion created by showing a false alternative. The main question here is not what to use instead of coal. The main question is how Nepal uses the excess electricity it has and how to make good use of this short opportunity to benefit on its own terms.

Sell electricity directly to foreign countries at a good price, open industries in the country and invest in our own infrastructure in a way that benefits Nepalis first. These are the options that bring sustainable development to the country. However, a foreign data center is something that, if it were to arise from here tomorrow, would affect almost all of us. The money will be taken with it.

As I write this article, there is talk of more investment coming in. The first project approved will be called a pilot project. When the second project comes, it will be called momentum. And, when it reaches the third project, it will be given the form of policy.

Nepal has very little time left to decide what kind of economy it wants to build. Nepal must make a clear decision before this opportunity is lost. Otherwise, foreign consultants will move on to another country with favorable conditions.

(The author Jonathan Clark has been living in Nepal since 2015. This article is a translation of his blog. He published a blog titled ‘Who Actually Benefits When Nepal Sells Hydro to Silicon Valley’ on his website on 7 May 2026. He created a software called ‘ConX’ in 2015 and sold it to the American company ‘Houzz’ in 2021. Jonathan currently works as the ‘Director of Engineering’ in the same company. He mostly lives in Lalitpur.)